THE FASCINATING CULTURE OF THE AMERICAN NONPROFIT SECTOR

JON VAN TIL

NOTE: This column builds on the creation of J. Abner Peddiwell, Ph.D., by the distinguished educators and writers Harold Benjamin and William Van Til. The latter, who drew on Peddiwell in a series of columns of his own a generation ago, has graciously allowed his son, the present columnist, to borrow this embodiment.

"FEW MORE fascinating cultures exist than that of the American Nonprofit Sector," said the noted anthropologist, J. Abner Peddiwell, Ph.D., as he sank into his favorite leather chair at the Explorers Club.

Herbert, a fellow club member, eased his frame into the leather chair beside him. Both men stared into the roaring blaze in the great stone fireplace. From the paneled walls, masks used in primitive ceremonials stared down unblinkingly.

"As you well know," continued Peddiwell, "some of America's greatest anthropologists have applied the anthropological approach to American society as a whole. Others have studied isolated American sub-cultures, such as hill people of the Appalachians. But, until my study, occupational sub-cultures in what some call ‘The Third Sector’ were uncharted anthropologically."

“The Third Sector,” Herbert remarked, “by that of course you mean organizations that are not governmental, not business, and not family—but often partake of close relations with groups in those other sectors.”

“Well put, Herbert. Sometimes it’s called the ‘voluntary’ or the ‘nonprofit’ sector, but the presumption is that organizations in that sphere advance humankind in some way—some by providing needed services, others working for change, and still others just providing a nice place, like this club, where folks can muse with each other about the meaning of life.”

Added Herbert: “I’ve been told by a lawyer friend that the defining characteristic of these groups has something to do with what is called the ‘nondistribution constraint’. Apparently, it our Club should close its doors, these comfortable chairs would have to be given to another nonprofit organization.”

“Remarkable,” observed the anthropologist, “just like the waves of reciprocity I found among the hunter-gatherers in my studies in the Kalahari. But let me tell you about my current research. You are of course familiar with the five social classes documented by many able students of American society. A disreputable lower-lower class. A poor but honest upper-lower class. A solid, substantial lower-middle class. An energetic, influential upper-middle class. A prestige-bearing, established upper class. Approximately so, Herbert?”

"Over-simplified by you for the purpose of summary, of course."

The student of life in the American Nonprofit Sector leaned forward earnestly and tapped his listener's knee as he continued. "Herbert, I have made a tremendous discovery. The American Nonprofit Sector has an educational class system which parallels the social class system of their country!”

"How does one recognize an upper class American Nonprofit person?" asked Herbert, thoughtfully blowing pipe smoke at a particularly hideous tribal mask. "Upper educational class, that is."

"I found the habitat of the upper class American Nonprofit Sector in the curious fraternity they call ‘Foundations’," responded the anthropologist enthusiastically. “Foundations tend to be located in offices that look a lot like this club, and are filled with visitors who are employed as professors in universities that are also full of furniture and rooms like this. In their university offices, faculty members weave elaborate theories, engage in research, initiate, produce tomes, and dispute the findings of other faculty members, especially those who work at universities whose buildings are made of brick rather than stone. It is believed in this class that the more incomprehensible the language and the fewer the readers, the more the result is to be judged profound and thus worthy of respect. Their goal is to be invited to a foundation office, where they try to say with a bit more clarity than they write what they believe the foundation employees want to hear, and hopefully to walk away from that meeting with a “grant”, which will allow them the time to weave even more elaborate theories, research, tomes, and the like.”

“Interesting,” observed Herbert. I recently read about the process by which knowledge gathered by this process trickles down to the masses. The cultural lag was estimated at fifty to seventy-five years.”

"The upper educational class is separated from the other classes by extraordinary caste-like barriers such as “Ivy League”/”redbrick”, “AAU”/”second rank”, and, equally important, “full-time”/”part-time” degrees. So honored are these caste-like distinctions that it is almost unheard of to become a foundation staffer without an Ivy League, or at least an AAU, and of course “full-time”, advanced degree. And, increasingly, even membership in the upper-middle class itself requires a degree that is not “part-time”, and most certainly not “distance” learned. By the way, members of these upper educational classes are in great demand for ceremonial occasions such as local institutes and workshop meetings required of the upper-lower educational classes."

"And on these occasions the upper class speeches change the behavior of these lower classes?"

"Of course not," said the student of American Nonprofit Sector indignantly. "Not even the upper-middle and lower-middle classes in charge of the meetings expect change to result. The upper class member is there to grace the meeting with upper class participation. I said these were ceremonial occasions!"

"Of course. And the other classes?"

"The upper-middle educational class," continued the enthusiastic anthropologist, "is populated largely by people who serve as directors of nonprofit organizations. They are vigorous, energetic, and gregarious characters. They are also distinguishable by their constant concern about something they call ‘the mission’ and ’the vision’ of the organization. Missions and visions (which, frankly, I don't quite understand) must be in a very bad way for they are constantly being re-examined. Indeed, the upper middle class often calls tribal gatherings of their organizations, curiously called “retreats” (rather than “advances”) in which they pray over these matters and engage in the strange rituals they call ‘strategic planning’!"

"Do the two lower classes pray at these meetings too?"

"No," said the investigator. "One of the major educational class distinctions between the middle classes and the upper-lower class is in this matter of meeting. The lower classes do not attend such gatherings on the sea coast of New Jersey or in the metropolises or salubrious mountains. The few lower class members who do attend are definitely upward mobile. Incidentally, one important distinction between the upper-middle educational class and the lower-middle educational class is that the upper middle has expenses paid to these tribal gatherings while lower middle does not. Consequently, the lower middle class is much more frequently encountered in such conferences or meetings.

"Degree of literacy also appears to be a distinction between the two middle classes. The upper-middle class reads magazines like the NonProfit Times and occasionally writes a letter to its editor; the lower-middle class neither reads professional publications nor writes for them."

"You mentioned economic considerations. Is the upper class much more prosperous than the upper-middle educational class? "

The explorer of the folkways of the American Educators was genuinely shocked. "Indeed not! Surely, Herbert, you know that money isn't an infallible index to social position. The way one's culture regards one is important. Reputation! Many upper-middle executives are better paid than many upper foundation employees or academics. Upper-middles have been known to give up crass material advantages to join the uppers in foundation or university meccas. Similarly, when some uppers have shifted their class position to upper-middle, income was gained but face was lost."

"And the lower classes?" asked Herbert, watching the primitive masks through narrowed eyes. He had the illusion that they were winking at him. "The upper-lower nonprofit sector class is made up of those regarded as the backbone of the nonprofit sector tribe. Some of them are called ‘volunteers’ and seem to be willing to work without financial compensation. All of the class members above them admire and extol upper-lowers and their commitment to serving the needs of organizational clients. However, none wishes to be one again. The upper-lowers attend local workshops, take courses, serve on committees, keep anecdotal records. They try to interpret what the three classes above them advocate. This is no easy task as you can plainly see. When an upper-lower achieves a fine interpretation, the upper-middles or an upward mobile lower-middle generously translates it back into the special tribal language at the tribal gatherings. Yes, upper-lowers are quite different from lower-lowers." He shuddered.

"Yes?"

"On one thing all of the other educational classes are agreed. They deplore many of the attitudes and behaviors of the lower-lower educational class. As a matter of fact, the uplift of the lower-lowers is the major work of the middle classes. The middle classes try to make upper-lowers out of lower-lowers. It’s my observation that an increasing proportion of 'board members' seem to be chosen from the ranks of lower-lowers, and more and more of them insist on being identified as ‘donors’ or ‘philanthropists’. Board members and philanthropists seem to be people who have a lot of money that they made in business, or inherited from their parents, or married into. These lower-lowers seem highly resistant to new professional ideas. They tend to expect that their wishes will be obeyed and are not very good at listening to the people who do the real work of the American Nonprofit Sector. Board members used to be selected for their wisdom and willingness to work, but increasingly seem to be chosen on the basis of their wealth alone. Consequently, boards seem to be declining in their expression of middle class values and virtues."

"A remarkable culture!" said Herbert.

They both sat staring thoughtfully into the blaze in the great stone fireplace. On the walls, the masks used in primitive ceremonials exchanged winks.

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