IT
IS the biggest antitrust ruling since the
break-up of AT&T in 1983. On June 7th,
Judge Thomas Penfield Jackson ordered that
Microsoft should be split into two
companies. Those who think that this is too
harsh a remedy should have seen the
arrogant television interview given by Bill
Gates immediately afterwards. Once again,
Mr Gates roundly denied that Microsoft was
guilty of any wrongdoing, despite the judge’s
finding that it had repeatedly and
systematically violated antitrust law. He
also claimed that only a unitary Microsoft
could introduce the tightly integrated
products and services that customers
actually want.
In
a memorandum published with his
judgment, Judge Jackson explained that he
had “reluctantly come to the conclusion that
a structural remedy had become imperative:
Microsoft as it is presently organised and
led is unwilling to accept the notion that it
broke the law or accede to an order
amending its conduct.” He also noted that the
software firm had done nothing to modify its
illegal business practices “in any significant
respect.” And he suggested that it might try
in other markets the tactics it had used to
corner the operating-system and browser
markets. To underline the need for a
structural remedy, the judge also condemned
Microsoft for having “proved untrustworthy
in the past”, calling the company’s purported
compliance with past injunctions “illusory”
and “disingenuous”.
As
well as giving the government the
structural remedy it has called for—dividing
the firm into an operating-system (Windows)
company and an applications (Office and
Internet Explorer) company—the judge
imposed a range of tough restrictions on
Microsoft’s behaviour that will take effect
within 90 days. These measures are meant to
release the rest of the computer industry
from what some see as Microsoft’s reign of
terror.
The
list of conduct-remedies that Judge
Jackson has imposed is long. Microsoft has
been ordered to cease discriminating against
PC makers that support rival products; to
license Windows on non-discriminatory
terms; to allow PC makers to modify
Windows, particularly its “desktop” default
screen; to stop making a Windows licence
conditional on taking other Microsoft
products; to provide cheaper alternative
versions of Windows if customers want
them; and to continue licensing and
supporting for three years predecessor
versions of Windows at the pre-release
price of new versions.
On
top of all this, Microsoft has been
instructed to disclose Windows application
programming interfaces “in a timely
manner”; to stop all exclusionary deals
designed to restrict competition; to stop
punishing firms that offer competing
products; and to desist from action “that it
knows will interfere or degrade the
performance” of rival software firms’
programs.
The
actual break-up of the company will be
stayed pending an appeal. But antitrust
experts think that Microsoft will find it hard
to delay the implementation of these
conduct-remedies. Some may be taken to
infringe the company’s intellectual-property
rights, but most are, in reality, little more
than the standard of behaviour that might be
demanded of any highly dominant company.
These restraints are thus unlikely to be
significantly curtailed until the appeals
process has run its full course.
How
the appeals process itself will proceed
is still uncertain. Both Judge Jackson and the
government would like to see the case put on
a fast track to the Supreme Court, which
could result in everything being dealt with
inside a year. But the Supreme Court may
insist on a thorough examination by the
District of Columbia Court of Appeal first,
which would add another year to the case.
Microsoft
continues to have high hopes of
the DC appeal court, which has in the past
sided with it, and against Judge Jackson, on
the contentious issue of “tying”. But even the
most sympathetic panel that the court’s
computer throws up will not find it easy to
dismiss Judge Jackson’s conclusion that
Microsoft is an abusive monopolist that must
be curbed, even if the court balks at the
forced break-up.
Microsoft
also hopes that a victory for
George W. Bush in November could help its
cause. The governor of Texas appears to
think that antitrust action is warranted only
when there is clear evidence of price-fixing,
which is not an issue in the Microsoft case.
However, even though a Bush victory would
see a changing of the guard at the Department
of Justice, the 17 state attorneys who are
co-plaintiffs will not be going anywhere.
While the legal wheels still have much
grinding to do, nobody, least of all Bill
Gates, should underestimate the significance
of this week’s judgment.