Remade Militant Group Learns Press Kits and Web Sites Have Their Uses
By JOHN F. BURNS
BEIRUT,
Lebanon, Feb. 11 -- Within three hours of
the killing of the latest Israeli soldier, smiling
officials of Hezbollah,
the Lebanon-based Party of
God, summoned fresh cups
of Turkish coffee for
Western reporters, handed
out a communiqué about the
attack and released a freshly
printed sheet of statistics,
complete with a pie chart,
listing all seven Israeli
soldiers killed by Hezbollah
in the last 18 days.
Proudly, the Hezbollah men
noted that the Israeli losses
were the heaviest inflicted
by their group in a similar
period since 1998.
All in all, the gathering
in the Beirut information
center was a smooth
demonstration of what
might be called
Hezbollah 2000, the
media-friendly,
computer-savvy, mobile
phone-equipped,
multiple Web site
version of the Islamic
militant group that
bludgeoned its way into
the American
consciousness in the
1980's.
By almost any measure,
the attack that killed
Zachi Yitak, the Israeli
soldier, set off a serious
crisis. Diplomats said it
could further widen the
breach that has hobbled
peace talks between
Israel and Syria, the
dominant power in
Lebanon and the patron,
along with Iran, of Hezbollah.
But in the Hezbollah office,
in a ramshackle building
not far from the Beirut
airport, it was evident that the
Hezbollah of today wears
a new face.
In the 1980's Hezbollah rose
to the top of the United
States' list of terrorist
organizations, with a series of
attacks that included the
bombing of the American and
French embassies in Beirut,
the 1983 bombing of
American and French marine
barracks in which 241
Americans and 59 Frenchmen
died, and serial
kidnappings that made hostages
for years of American,
British and other victims.
But Hezbollah today has a
new populist image, with
representatives forming
the largest single-party group
in the Lebanese Parliament.
It also has an impressive
network of schools, hospitals
and welfare centers that
cater to tens of thousands
of families, and an
information network that
may be unrivaled anywhere in
the world, at least by an
organization that many Western
nations still list as a
terrorist group.
Among other things, Hezbollah
has one of the most
watched television stations
in Lebanon, which nightly
broadcasts footage of Hezbollah
strikes on Israeli
forces, taken from hand-held
video cameras. The
broadcasts, showing young
guerrillas striking at Israel
on the last active Arab-Israeli
combat front, have
attracted an enthusiastic
audience across this nation of
3.5 million people. Among
them are many who
previously shunned Hezbollah
for what they viewed as
a militant Islamic posture
ill attuned to the
cosmopolitan society on
which many Lebanese pride
themselves.
Any Western reporter wanting
to write about Hezbollah
must first make contact
at the information office in the
suburb of Haret Hreik, a
mile or so from the airport in a
heavily crowded area that
has a concentrated
population of Shiite Muslims,
the largest of Lebanon's
population groups and the
base of support for
Hezbollah. It was from this
area in the 1980's that
Hezbollah, or one of its
front organizations, mounted
many headline-grabbing operations,
including the
kidnapping in 1985 of Terry
Anderson, the Associated
Press bureau chief who spent
nearly seven years as a
hostage.
But these days, the emphasis
is not on taking Western
reporters captive but on
welcoming them and
persuading them of the legitimacy
of the Hezbollah
cause. Escorted trips are
arranged to southern Lebanese
Hezbollah strongholds like
Nabatiye, near the site of
the attack on Beaufort Castle,
the ancient Crusader fort
where the Israeli soldier
died in today's attack. Videos
are made available of the
latest Hezbollah assaults,
with officials proudly pointing
out that many of them,
including a missile attack
earlier this week that killed
another Israeli soldier
at Dabshe, near Nabatiye, end up
being shown on Israeli television.
This afternoon Abvu Muhammad
Alameh, a Hezbollah
spokesman, brandishing a
personal organizer to check
his facts, was especially
eager to point out that his
group had its own bulletin
on the Beaufort Castle attack
prepared and printed before
the attack was confirmed
by Israel. The bulletin,
in Arabic, was headed, as
always with Hezbollah communiqués,
with quotations
from the Koran. "In the
name of God the most merciful,"
it said. "With God on your
side, no one can defeat you."
The text of the statement
was, it must be said, old-style
Hezbollah, with little public
relations polishing of the
style or grammar.
"In our continuing operations
to end the occupation of
southern Lebanon and liberate
the land of our people,"
it said, "and in accordance
with our goal of inflicting
heavy losses on the Israeli
forces and kicking the last of
them out of our nation,
in a manner that leaves the
occupying forces with no
chance of withstanding our
Islamic fighters, the fighting
unit known as Martyrs of
Farouk Ismail with God's
help today at 11:55 a.m.
attacked with rockets and
machine-gun fire the main
Israeli stronghold at Qalat
Ashrif." Qalat Ashrif is the
Arabic name for Beaufort
Castle.
The accompanying information
sheet distributed by Mr.
Alameh was much closer to
the button-down, corporate
style of the new Hezbollah.
The sheet gave figures for
the casualties inflicted
in all of Hezbollah's attacks in
the six weeks since the
start of the year, and included a
column giving Israeli figures
for the same incidents,
mostly the same as Hezbollah's.
The pie chart, giving
percentage breakdowns for
casualties among the Israeli
troops and the South Lebanon
Army, the Christian
militia force allied with
Israel in the occupation zone,
said that 24 percent of
the 77 dead and wounded among
the two forces since the
start of the year have been
Israelis, 74 percent members
of the Christian militia
force and 2 percent members
of "joint patrols."
There were no figures for
Hezbollah casualties, either
on the two-month casualty
sheet or from the officials,
although Hezbollah fighters
near Nabatiye had told
visitors on Thursday that
"hundreds" of their men have
been killed during the 22-year
Israeli occupation, and
"dozens" in recent months.
Roadsides in the area are
dotted with metal billboards
bearing the images of
bearded young "martyrs,"
mostly young, who have been
killed in fighting with
the Israeli forces, and every
reporter's visit includes
a supervised talk with a
martyr's widow.
But in the Hezbollah office
in Beirut, the emphasis is
kept firmly on the positive.
Mr. Alameh, the
spokesman, seemed especially
proud that the bulletin
on the operation that killed
the Israeli soldier today had
been issued within 35 minutes
of the strike, before the
attack was confirmed by
Israel. Along with other
Hezbollah officials, he
made it plain that he shared
none of the concerns of
other Beirut residents about
new Israeli air strikes.
When he was asked if he expected
new Israeli bomb
attacks on targets around
Beirut and other population
centers, Mr. Alameh, 47,
a grizzle-bearded Lebanese
who worked for years as
a sales manager for an
American oil company in
the Persian Gulf, smiled
broadly.
"Everything is open," he
said -- including, it seemed,
the possibility of an air
attack on Hezbollah's television
station, the jewel in its
crown. A proposed visit to the
station by two Western reporters
would have to be put
off for a day, at least,
he said, still smiling, because
Hezbollah would not want
to put visitors at risk.
Links:
The Official Hezbollah Web Site.
Web site of the Embassy of Israel in Washington.
Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The official State of
Israel Web Site (in Hebrew).