Class Notes for Social Movements, Spring 2006
ABBREVIATED FOR REVIEW
longer version here   
  
Grading Formulas:
'Total Score =  [Attendance]*0.1+[Quizzes]*0.25+[Midterm]*0.25+[Final Multiple Choice]*0.25+[Final Essay]*0.15+[Extra Credit]

Quizzes = ([Quiz One]+[Quiz Two]+[Quiz Three]+[Quiz Four]+[Quiz Five]+[Quiz Six]+[Quiz Seven]+[Quiz Eight]+[Quiz Nine]+[Quiz Ten]+[Quiz Eleven]+[Quiz Twelve]+[Review for Final])/13

April 25:   Study Questions for final.  The final will have multiple choice questions similar to those on the midterm and on the review exam posted in WEBCT.  There will also be a page of short essay questions adapted from the items below.
  1. What are William Gamson's two criteria for movement success?  If you make them into a 2 x 2 typology, what for outcomes do you get?
  2. Which of Gamson's outcomes would apply best to the Women's Movement, as described in Barbara Epstein's article on "The Decline of the Women's Movement"?  Which would apply best to the fate of the New Left in the 1970s?  Of the Nuclear Freeze movement?  Of the Farm Workers movement?
  3. What does Andrew Sullivan argue about hate crime legislation?  How does this differ from the viewpoint expressed by many of the actors in The Laramie Project?
  4. What were the basic goals of the recent student/worker uprising in France?  How does this differ from the 1968 worker/student uprising in France?  What problems is this movement likely to have after its recent tactical success?
  5. What is the relationship between terrorism and the mass media?  Why does Brigitte Nacos think the media are encouraging terrorism?  Why does Todd Gitlin blame the New Left for the failure of the New Left in the l970s? 
  6. How does the Dutch model for dealing with immigrants, especially from traditional Moslem communities, differ from the French model?  How do both differ from the US model for dealing with immigration? 
  7. What was Jeremy Rifkin's vision of Europe as a vision of the future?  Why has this been called into question by recent events?
  8. What argument were Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Theo Van Gogh making the the video Submission? 
  9. What rules did Saul Alinsky propose for radicals, particularly on the community level?  Who is carrying out this model in Camden and what issues have been raised?
  10. How do "identity" movements differ from "instrumental" movements in their goals and tactics?  How is the gay rights movement an example?
  11. What does Bill Domhoff think is required for "A Fresh Start for the Left"?  What is his key point about tactics?
  12. What is the difference between "tactics" and "strategy"?  How is this applied to arguments about US involvement in Iraq?  How could it be applied to debates about the impact of other social movements?  Feminism?  Anti-Vietnam War?  Farm Workers?  Early Christianity?  Marxist Socialism?  Spartacus?  etc.
  13. How would the social movement portrayed in Four Days in September measure up by Gamson's criteria of success? 
  14. How would we analyze the environmental movement from the perspective of "resource mobilization" theory?  How would this differ from an analysis from the perspective of "political mobilization"  or "organization repertoire" theory?
  15. How do pro-life and pro-choice advocates differ in their views of the world?  How would a similar table look if we did it for Islamist radicals vs. Western democracy advocates?  For gay marriage advocates vs. protect traditional marriage advocates?
  16. What are the key elements of an "ideological drama"?  How are these played out in the varioius social movements we have examined:   Islamist, anti-labor law reform in France, etc.
  17. How have the concepts of "utopia" and "dystopia" been used in various movements we have examined?


                  Gamson's Typology
 
                                                Acceptance
                                               Full              Partial                   None

New                Many            Full Response    ?               Preemption
Advantages                              (success?)
                        Some                ?                                          ?

                        Few             Cooptation          ?              Collapse


April 19:    Discussion of Hate Crimes and Hate Crime Legislation.   Outrage at Funeral Protests. 

April 13 -  The eruption of social movements in Europe in recent months has been a surprise.  Jeremy Rifkin's book, The European Dream:  How Europe's Vision of the Future is Quietly Eclipsing the American Dream, has been reduced to $8.99 on amazon.com. Here is his argument summarized in a Publisher's Weekly review:
Why are so few Americans paying attention to the dramatic changes taking place across the Atlantic, Rifkin (The End of Work) asks in his provocative and well-argued manifesto for the new European Union. Famously, Americans "live to work" while Europeans "work to live," and Rifkin demonstrates statistically and anecdotally that Europe's humane approach to capitalism makes for a healthier, better-educated populace. The U.S. lags behind in its unimaginative approach to working hours, productivity and technology, Rifkin claims, while Europe is leading the way into a new era while competing well in terms of productivity. Rifkin traces the cultural roots of what he says is America's lack of vision to its emphasis on individual autonomy and the accumulation of wealth; Europe's dream is more rooted in connectedness and quality of life. Americans may be risk takers, but Rifkin is more admiring of risk-sensitive European realism, as well as its secularism and social democracy. Exploring the history behind the two continents' wildly differing sensibilities, Rifkin examines the myth of the U.S. as "land of opportunity" and the two continents' contrasting attitudes to foreign policy, peace keeping and foreign aid. Rifkin's claims are not new, but he writes with striking clarity, combining the insights of contemporary sociologists and economists with up-to-the minute data and powerfully apt journalistic observations. While he may appear to idealize Europe's new direction, Rifkin's comparative study is scrupulously thorough and informative, and his rigor will please all readers interested in the future of world affairs.  Video with Rifkin. 

What went wrong? 
1.   Dependence on immigrants for labor due to low birth rate and unwillingness to take manual labor jobs.
2.   Lack of a tradition of absorbing immigrants or desire to absorb them.
3.   Conflict between Islamic culture and Christian culture (a difference with US immigration which is largely Hispanic Catholic & other Christian).
4.   Unwillingness to accept what is necessary to adjust to the global economy? 

Two cases: 

The Dutch Model by Jane Kramer (in WEBCT)
1.   Dramatic conflict of cultures between Dutch and Moslem immigrants
2.   Europeans never thought of themselves as living in immigration countries.
3.  Murder of Theo Van Gogh was foretold on WEB sites, he was deliberately provocative.
4.   Dutch culture non-provoctive, Van Gogh was challenging that culture and was appreciated for it
5.   Dutch multicultural model, each "pillar" of society can have its own realm, very different from the French etatiste model, works for the Catholic and Protestant communities
6.  Let the immigrants "rot in their own privacy"?
7.  Sept 11 gave alienated Muslim youth a narrative, a way of maintaining their self-esteem.  Marxist rhetoric, attacking capitalism, imperialism, plays the same role.
8.  The gay rights movement is particularly offensive to many Moslems, as is nude sun bathing.
9.   Feminism offensive to traditional Moslem values, Moslem men go home to find women, women stay home and have lots of children.
9.  Potential immigrants now asked to view a video showing gay rights marches, nuce sun bathers
10.  Immigrants must pass an exam in Dutch. 
11.   Moslems view themselves as victims of discrimination and xenophobia

Submission:  Van Gogh's Movie:   Video, Submission
Working from a script written by Ayaan Hirsi Ali, van Gogh created the 10-minute movie Submission. The movie deals with the topic of violence against women in Islamic societies; telling the stories of four abused Muslim women. The title itself, "Submission", is the translation of the word "Islam" in english. In the film, the women's naked bodies are veiled with semi-transparent shrouds as they kneel in prayer, telling their stories as if they are speaking to Allah. Qur'anic verses unfavourable to women are painted on their bodies in Arabic . After the movie was released in 2004, both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali received death threats. Van Gogh did not take these very seriously and refused any protection - reportedly telling Hirsi Ali: "Who would want to kill the village idiot?" The movie was perceived by the Islamic community as an inaccurate perception of Islamic teachings (Wikipiedia).  CBS commentary.  Transcript of film. 

We Will Not be Thrown Away by Angelique Chrisafia.  See highlighted points in the article.

Movie, The Laramie Project. 

April 11    How the State and Social Movements use the Media and how the Media shapes movements.

In densely populated communities, such as urban ghettos or college campuses, movements may grow through direct interpersonal contact.  Social movements rely on the media to get their message out to a broader public.  When the government or powerful groups are threatened or disturbed by a movement, they also react through the media.  Terrorist acts often seem to be designed to get media publicity, and sometimes groups gruesome videos on the Internet to get publicity.  The chapters here discuss several historical examples. 
    *  The Nuclear Freeze was thought up by a young disarmament researcher, Randall Forsberg, in 1980.  It was a simple idea, instead of negotiating disarmament, the US and the USSR should simply stop developing new nuclear weapons and "freeze" their arsenals where they were.  It was extremely popular, and a resolution was introduced into Congress and almost passed in 1982.  It was very threatening to the military-industrial complex.  In response, President Ronald Reagan, gave a nationally televised address announcing a Strategic Defense Initiative.  Reagan News Conference Video.  This came to be known coloquially as "Star Wars".  It captured much of the rhetorical initiative because it also promised to end the threat of nuclear war.  It became a debate about feasibility.  It did not actually involve much change in what the military was already doing.  Reagan's supporters now believe that the Star Wars initiative contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union by putting a difficult burden on the Soviet economy.
  *  Farm Workers Movement - Jenkins and Perrow say that the success of the movement under Cesar Chavez was due to a change in the political environment - support from liberals, a successful boycot and pressure on supermarkets not to carry "scab grapes".  A previous group, the NFLU, had failed to organize farm workers.  They are not covered by the NLRB, and there is a large supply of farm labor from Mexico, so strikes are difficult and ineffective.  Labor legislation exempted agriculture on the grounds that agriculture is especially vulnerable to strikes because crops rot if not picked.  The UFW used dramatic protests, relying on support from clergy, celebrities, etc.  Marshall Ganz stresses how the union mobilized this support, in part by maintaining a more democratic, movement-like organizational structure that attracted volunteer enthusiasm.  See the table on page 299 in the book.  They had Spanish slogans - Viva La Causa,  Huelga - and tapped into support for minority rights.  UFW Video. 
   *  The New Left.  "The Whole World is Watching"  came from the SDS demonstrations during the Chicago democratic convention in 1968, referred to by the left as a "police riot" but provoked by demonstrators.  The world was watching, but most viewers sympathized with the police.
Gitlin claims that the media highlight deprecatory themes to frame movement events:
    1.  Trivialization, focusing on dress, language, style
    2.   Polarizing - balancing coverage with counter-demonstrations
    3.  Emphasis on dissension
    4.   Disparagement of numbers at demonstrations and of the movement's effectiveness
    5.   Emphasis on violence, communist infiltration
    6.   Use of negative terminology, putting terms in "quote marks" 
The movement often played into this, especially certain publicity-oriented leaders who thought that they could use the media in this way:     Abbie Hoffman Speech.    Photos. Jerry Rubin, Abbie Hoffman and Pigasus . 

The terrorist movements we confront today make one nostalgic for the days of Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin and the New Left, although the Vietnam War was deadly serious.  Terrorists make use of the media, indeed one might say that without the media to publicize the events it would be very difficult to terrorize a population.  The goal of terrorism is to create fear in a vulnerable population, thus forcing a strong enemy to give in to demands it could not be forced to concede to by conventional means.  This point is made in "The Media's Role in Terrorism" by Brigitte Nacos (in WEBCT).  Terrorists' Visual Warfare Uses the Media as a Weapon.   Gruesome coverage is clearly intended to intimidate people, as in videos of beheadings [these are gruesome, use your own judgment about watching them] posted by jihadist groups. 
Mosaic News from the Middle East.  Iraq Invasion Media Coverage.  Terrorism and the Media. 


April 6.     Articles in our reader:
    Saul Alinsky, "Rules for Radicals" was a sort of handbook for activists in the 1970s.  It focused on tactics that relatively powerless groups can use, groups that have little going for them except their nuisance value.  The focus is on personifying the "enemy," making it tangible and personal.  The grew into a "community organization" movement based on mobilizing activists in poor neighborhoods.  Concerned Citizens of North Camden  who created the North Camden Land Trust.   Tom Knoche is a local anarchist who has devoted his life to North Camden.  He wrote a book called Common Sense for Camden.  These movements may also build national campaigns when there is a single focus to tie them together, e.g, the anti-WALMART movement.
    Aldon Morris talks about the development of the "sit-in" as a tactic, something which was considered highly radical and disruptive at the time.  More "responsible" leaders called for lobbying, legal action, leafleting rather than being disruptive.  These actions often involved civil disobedience, disobeying laws but doing so openly and taking the consequences.  Sometimes the laws would be overthrown by the courts.
    Mary Bernstein discusses the importance of action in developing the identity of gay and lesbian groups.  Often this conflicts with the short-term tactical goal of winning legislative or political gains.  It can give a feeling of empowerment and build the strength of the group.  Identity can also be used to critique the dominant culture, to educate people.  This depends on the extent to which a movement has a strong organizational culture and/or access to policy makers.
    She discusses some useful analytical dimensions of identity (page 237:
    -   identity for empowerment - Activists draw on an existing identity or develop a new collective identity in order to mobilize a constituency
   -   identity as a goal - activists may seek to construct an identity, or to redefine a stigmatized identity, as an end in itself
    -   identity as an (ideological or educational) strategy  -  to shape the nature of the debate, criticize biases, or educate the public
    Some groups are inclusive (incorporating as many people as possible), others are exclusive (limiting membership to those with the clearest commitment).  Inclusive groups may be better able to change policies (instrumental), inclusive can better build identity (expressive).  This may not be in the inherent nature of a movement, it may be a strategy.  The strategy chosen may depend on the receptiveness of the political environment.  The inclusive ones also may aim for a more revolutionary change, e.g, New Left movements such as the RadicalLesbians, Furies, Gay Liberation Front).  They may also seek to impose their will through violence and disruption.  Youth are more likely to be expressive rather than instrumental.
    Mary Fainsod Katzenstein discussed "Discursive Activism by Catholic Feminists".  They have many conferences and workshops and try to convince people.  They find organizational niches within Catholic institutions, such as in academic institutions, lay organizations, liturgy groups, etc.  Contemporary Catholic feminism can be described through a narrative of conferences and workshops.

Some essays by William Domhoff that address strategic and tactical issues for progressive social movements in the US:  William Domhoff:  "A Fresh Start for the Left" and "Social Movements and Strategic Nonviolence"
These give insight into current debates, and provide a framework for discussing some recent movements, including the urban riots in the 60s and 70s, including in Camden, and the anti-WTO demonstrations.  I am assigning these as readings and we will discuss them in class today.

April 4:
From Wikipedia:  Tactics is the collective name for methods of winning a small-scale conflict, performing an optimization, etc. This applies specifically to warfare, but also to economics, trade, games and a host of other fields such as negotiation.

Tactics and strategy are often confused:

An example of the difference:   BLACKBURN, England - Facing protesters and pointed questions, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said Friday that the Bush administration had made ``thousands'' of what she called ``tactical mistakes'' in Iraq but ``it was the right strategic decision'' to invade and topple Saddam Hussein.

Rice's comment on Iraq was in response to a question from an audience of foreign-policy experts about whether the United States had learned anything from the past three years.

Rice said U.S. officials would be ``brain dead'' if they did not recognize when they had erred.

``I know we've made tactical errors, thousands of them, I'm sure,'' Rice said. ``But when you look back in history, what will be judged is did you make the right strategic decisions.''

Tactics are short-term and often can be evaluated by relatively objective criteria.  Strategies are long-term may be judged only by "history," that is, after a lot of time has passed.  Iraq War Winnable? 

People often take refuge in the expectation that History will absolve them.  Waiting for the judgment of history allows us to act on enduring principles rather than expected consequences, but only because we get no timely feedback on the consequences of what we do.   Thus we end up relying on deontological ethical theories (sticking to principles no matter what) rather than consequentialist (getting good outcomes, maximizing pleasure, minimizing pain).  Neither of these theories is really adequate because there are conflicting principles that seem convincing and because we have imperfect knowledge of outcomes.  The best we can do is consider both carefully and make sure we listen to everyone, a princple that Jurgen Habermas called discourse ethics.

Some historical examples:
March 28    Reviews of Four Days in September. 

Comments on the readings in Section VI

McCcarthy and Zald.  This is "resource mobilization" theory - an economic metaphor.  Social movements are like companies, they invest resources to get results.  This is like the metaphor of "political capital" in conventional politics, but political capital cannot be moved around as flexibly as investment capital.  This is in contrast to the "traditional theory" that attributes the rise and decline of movements to changes in the sense of grievance in the effected population.  This might be thought of as a "demand" vs "supply" side analysis, to stick with the economic metaphor.  These two theories are actually complementary.  Resource mobilization emphasizes the ways in which leaders and activists manipulate and mobilize the base.

Definitions:

SMS - social movement, a "set of opinions and beliefs in  population" calling for change.  There are also countermovements.  We can measure this with survey data or focus groups or by keeping our "pulse on the media".  Entrepreneurs are good at mobilizing this.
SMO - a social movement organization - complex or formal organization which identifies with a movement
SMI - social movement industry, the whole collection of SMO's involved with a particular movement

Sticking with this metaphor, we see that social movement organizations are like businesses in some ways:
    they are started by entrepreneurs, but tend to become routinized over time
    they tend to rely more and more on paid staff, offering a service to members
    the SMI comes to be dominated by a small number of SMO's
     there are boom and bust cycles
     individuals pursue professional careers within them
     they may seek market niches, sharing the overally constituency with other organizations
     some are dependent on isolated constituents, others work with established groups

Charles Tilly (mentioned in the introduction) prefers to use a political metaphor, movements are like political parties except they do not contest elections.  Instead, they lobby for change and support politicians who do run for office.  They are vehicles groups use to pursue their interests.  The difference here is that is stresses group interests over the entrepreneurial skills of the staff (who might change issues or constituencies).  This approach also stresses interest over emotion which misses a difference between movements and businesses or instrumental political parties.

Elisabeth Clemens looks at organizational "repertoires" which can differ from the economic or the political.  She wants to go beyond traditional social science theories of Max Weber (bureaucratization) and Roberto Michels (Iron Law of Oligarchy).  This was a conscious goal of the New Left generally and especially of the feminist movement - to avoid hierarchy and bureaucratization and dependence on charismatic  or authoritarian leaders.  This is done through "participatory democracy" and affinity groups (the article by William Finnegan).  Early feminist organizations called themselves "clubs" in many cases, more social than economic or political.  They might also use a religious metaphor.  In both cases, participation is in large part an end in itself - "consciousness raising" - or a means of changing society one person at a time.  One could also view a social service or settlement house metaphor.  There are social movements such as Hamas that combine insurgent politics with charitable activities.  She also cites the example of liquor dealers forming an organization modeled on a Masonic Lodge.
Could a student organization model itself on a fraternity/sorority?  Groups such as the Sierra Club offer trips to the wilderness as well as lobbying - may be thought of as a travel agency.  Automobile Association? 

Paul Wapner writes about transnational activism, primarily environmental, but also mentioning human rights.  Organizations include Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Friends of the Earth, Oxfam, Greenpeace, Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economics, International Organization for Sustainable Agriculture, Earth Island Institute, PIRG, Natural Resources Defense Council, World Wildlife Fund, World Fund for Nature, Direct Action Network and many others.  We looked at the Global Social Forum, which is part of the movement against Corporate Globalization discussed by Willima Finnegan.  Masses of activists show up whenever the World Trade Organization is meeting.  There are many conflicts within and between these organizations. 
  
People who join movements almost always say they do so because they care so much about the issues.  When we agree with people we are inclined to accept that.  When people join a movement with which we have strong disagreements, we are inclined to look a deeper.  Why do they care so much, especially about issues that may not impact directly on their interests, e.g., saving the whales?  Why do some people care desperately about protecting unborn life, even very early in pregnancy when it is microscopic?   Who do others feel strongly about women's right to choose whether to carry a pregnancy to term?  Both of these are ideological scripts, incorporating the key elements we discussed on March 7.  But why do some choose one drama, some another?  The emotions are often similar, the choice of an ideology may depend on the person's broader world view, one which they obtain from their religion or secular philosophy.  Kristin Luker writes about this in her book on Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood, from which we have a brief excerpt focusing only on the the anti-abortion activists.  However, we can fill in the world view of the pro-abortion activists. 

Pro-Life
 Pro-Choice
Men and women are intrinsically different.
 Men and women are intrinsically similar.
Women are best suited to raising children and families.
 Women and men should share child raising.
Tenderness, caring and self-sacrifice are female traits.
 Tenderness, caring and self-sacrifice should be male and female traits.
Sexual relations should be for procreative purposes.
 Sexual relations are an expression of intimacy and affection, as well as physical desire.
Contraception is wrong because it strips sexual experience of its meaning.
 Contraception gives women equality and the ability to plan their own lives.
Women should accept unplanned pregnancies as God's will or as a natural part of being a woman.
 Women should be able to control pregnancy and decide whether to become mothers.
Pre-marital and extra-marital sex are wrong because they deprive sexuality of its true meaning.
 Pre-marital and extra-marital sex are choices that mature people should be free to make.
Teen-age pregnancy can and should be prevented by advocating abstinance.  Those who sin should be made to suffer the consequences.
 Advocating abstinance is ineffective, teens should be educated about a full range of choices.
The embryo is either a human life, with full rights, or it is not - there is no middle ground.  It has a soul that must be protected.
 The embryo, especially in early pregnancy, lacks consciousness and full personhood.
Human nature needs to be disciplined and controlled by traditional social institutions. 
Social institutions should be modified to meet human needs as conditions change.

The last point is more general than Laker discusses, at least in the excerpt we have.  It fits it into a more general liberal-conservative dimension that might predict attitudes on other issues, e.g, the death penalty.   Logically, you might think "pro-life" people would oppose the death penalty, but perhaps not since it is imposed on people who violated basic social norms, not on innocents.  We test some of these hypotheses with data from the survey research available in the Microcase databases to which our department subscribes.
                The data show that many people are ambivalent, not wanting to make abortion freely available, but also not wanting to prohibit it altogether.  The activists at both extremes  would like to impose their views, but often have to settle for "half a loaf".  Policies have alternated back and forth over time.as we can see in this timeline by Mark Pederson:

There is an odd symmetry between the groups - both have broad coalitions with single-issue and multi-issue groups, both have local networks and engage in both street action and conventional politics.  The antiabortionists are strongly linked to the Republican Party while the proabortionists are linked to the DDemocrats. 
March 9 -  An Imam in America.  Between Hope and Fear on Theo Van Gogh. 

Suicide bombing is a recent tactical development, but suicide ha been used in different ways by activists in the past.  Some opponents of the Vietnam war set themselves on fire as a moral appeal.    There were Kamikaze bombers in the Japanese air force in WWII.  There have been military actions that are suicidal, or at least where the chances or survival are minimal, going back to the Zealots at the Masada in 73 C.E.   Suicide bombing was invented, I believe, by the Tamil Tigers.in  July 5, 1987: when they carried out their first suicide bombing, killing 40 troops at the Nelliyady army camp in the north of the country.  There is some recent literature on suicide bombing, my take on it is in my essay "Suicide Bombing as a Youth Movement" which is an assigned reading on our WEBCT site.  Review of Pape's book. 

The other reading to discuss today is "The Clash of Civilizations" by Samuel Huntington, also on our WEBCT.  I have selected a major part of it.  It was published in 1993 and was prescient in anticipating the extent to which the world would move in the directin he described.  It can be paired with Francis Fukuyama's book The End of History or his newer book America at the Crossroads.  We read a selection from that book called After Neoconservatism.   Discussion of the Class of Civilizations essay (on WEBCT). 

Daniel Goldhagen on Political Islam. 

March 7 - Why do people join social movements? Or drop out from them?  Because of what they think and feel, which is why Parts IV and V of our reader are very closely related and I will treat them together.  Social movements do not usually offer a financial benefit to participants.  They impose costs at least of time and effort, sometimes risks of injury or death.  Sometimes people sacrifice their lives for movements.   The emotional dimension is very important, but people tend to resist looking at emotional roots of their own behavior or of the behavior of people they like.  When we do not approve of someone's behavior, when it angers us, we are much quicker to attribute it to emotional problems. Eric Hoffer wrote a best selling book called The True Believer which argued that New Left radicals joined because they felt personally inadequate and wanted to join something larger than themselves.  This book was intensely hated by the New Left radicals because it seemed to cheapen their behavior.  But emotions are involved in everything we do.  All behavior is "overdetermined" as Freudians say, it meets both emotional and rational needs, conscious and perhaps unconscious needs.  We need to look at these things in studying movements.

This is the topic of the article by James Jasper on "The Emotions of Protest" in the reader.  He makes several important points:  1.  Emotions pervade all social life and cannot be dichotomized as "rational" vs "irrational".  2.  Emotions have a biological dimension, but they are also cognitive and culturally constructed - we learn to respond to certain cues.  3.  There are transient emotions - we feel angry or frightened or happy at one point in time-  but there are also lasting affects or sentiments or attitudes.  4.  "Much political activity involves reference to or creation of positive and negative affects toward groups, policies and activities."  5.  Certain social movements aim at changing the broader culture of their society, including the acceptability and display of certain emotions, especially identity movements such as civil rights, feminist, gay rights, that aim at building pride in a stigmatized group.  Some of the lasting emotions often mobilized in social movements include
There are also more transient or reactive emotions such an anger, grief, outrage, shame, compassion, cynicism, defiance, enthusiasm, envy, fear, joy, resignation (see page 159 in the book).  These are involved in all social life, but they are not so lasting or structured around particular objects.

To build a movement, large numbers of people have to share the same structured feelings.  We often refer to these as "ideologies" which are emotionally charged beliefs about the world.  Kenneth Boulding wrote that  "An image of the world becomes an ideology if it creates in the mind of the person holding it a role for himself which he values highly...  To create a role, however, an ideology must create a drama.  The first essential characteristic of an ideology is then an interpretation of history sufficiently dramatic and convincing so that the individual feels that he can identify with it and which in turn can give the individual a role in the drama it portrays."  (Boulding, The Meaning of the Twentieth Century, pp 161-162).

Several elements tend to recur in these ideological dramas.  They are also present in religious dramas.
    good guys and bad guys -  oppressors and oppressed  -  victims and victimizers.  These may be defined by social class, race, ethnic group, gender, etc. 
    Utopia and Dystopia -  heaven and hell -  Often the dystopia is described in great detail - everything that is wrong with the current world - while the utopia is left vague.  If we can get rid of the bad guys that are causing the current dystopia, everything will be peaches and cream...
    Imminent crisis/ transformatin -  analogous to religious milleniarism, the coming of Christ or the Messiah or another transformational figure.  In social movements this may be economic collapse, nuclear war, environmental catastrophe, racial explosion, etc.  This may trigger revolutionary change leading to utopia.
    A powerful leader/hero who rallies the forces of good, progress, gives them strength.  Clearly analogous to a religious messiah, a revolutionary leader such as Lenin, Stalin, Ayatollah Khomeini,  varioius cult leaders.
    A powerful text or doctrine that contains the key to success. 

Karl Marx and the Communist Manifesto.   Cover Versions.    Still has its followers today. 

Marx spent most of his life documenting the dystopia of capitalism, especially in England.  He avoided specifying what would replace it, viewing this as utopian speculation.  One of his followers, August Bebel, filled this gap with a book called Woman and Socialism - apparently only women were so practical-minded they needed specifics.  It is especially utopian in its ideas about the withering away of the state - crime will disappear so no police will be needed.  "Neither political nor common crimes will be known in the future.  Thieves will have disappeared, because private property will have disappeared, and in the new society everyone will be able to satisfy his wants easily and conveniently by work." 

The utopian socialists were a competing group including Sir Thomas More who wrote the original book Utopia, which was a portrait of an ideal state based entirely on reason.  He was a Catholic layman, lawyer and writer but not involved in a social movement.  Robert Owen tried to implement this vision, founding a community called New Lanark Mills in Scotland, and one called New Harmony, in Indiana.

A very influential utopia was the book Looking Backward published by Edward Bellamy in 1887.  It was a work of science fiction, portraying a man who traveled to the future to the year 2000.  He found a completely egalitarian society organized on military lines with men working until they were 45, then retiring.  There was great stability, almost no need for new legislation, because all ideals had been realized.  There were technical innovations such as wired music available in people's homes. 
By 1900 Looking Backward was the best selling book in US history, second to Uncle Tom's Cabin.  He inspired a Nationalist movement which also advocated "socialism" and later was one of the inspirations for National Socialsim in Germany, although his vision was gentle and consensual, he thought socialist utopia would come because everyone would agree that it was desirable, it would be completely voluntary.

One more utopian we can consider is a libertarian, believer in capitalism, Ayn Rand, author of the novel Atlas Shrugged.  She had a conflict with her chief disciple and lover, Nathaniel Branden, who was much younger and married to a woman his own age.  She was also convinced that cigarettes were good for you because they were produced by capitalist, free market corporations - a view she never publicly retracted even though she quit smoking when she came down with a fatal lung cancer.  Objective medicine web site. 

What can we say about the motivations of these people when the thought up these ideas and started the movements?  They were young people searching for meaning in their lives.  Marx tried law, philosophy and poetry in his quest for a meaningful career.  He wrote a three hundred page treatise on the philosophy of law before he found it to be emplty.  He felt that his poetry was worthless:  "the real of true poetry flashed open before me like a distant faery place, and all m y creatins collapsed into nothing...I was for several days quite unable to think.  Like a lunatic I ran around in the garden."  He found the answer in Hegelian philosophy - the struggle between thesis and antithesis leading to a more perfect synthesis.  It made him feel that he was part of history.  It was like a religious conversion and his father approved saying "your philosophy satisfactorily agrees and harmonizes with your conscience."  He got his degree but couldn't get a teaching job, went into journalism, moved to Paris when the newspaper was suppressed.

 Bellamy wanted into the army, failed the physical.  Did not succeed with other career ideas until he became a writer.  Ayn Rand was a refugee from Soviet Russia, became militantly anti-Soviet in part because of how her family was oppressed. 

Other cases.  Jim Jones and the People's Temple. 

For notes from before the midterm, go to the longer version of these notes.